By Marta Harnecker
During the last few a long time Marta Harnecker has emerged as one in every of Latin America's so much incisive socialist thinkers. In A international to Build, she grapples with the query that has bedeviled each flow for radical social switch: how do you build a brand new global in the framework of the previous? Harnecker attracts on classes from socialist events in Latin the USA, specifically Venezuela, the place she served as an consultant to the Chávez management and used to be a director of the Centro Internacional Miranda.
A global to construct begins with the fight for socialism this day. Harnecker deals an invaluable review of the altering political map in Latin the US, analyzing the trajectories of numerous innovative Latin American governments as they paintings to strengthen substitute versions to capitalism. She combines research of concrete occasions with a sophisticated theoretical figuring out of grassroots democracy, the country, and the boundaries imposed through capital. For Harnecker, twenty-first century socialism is a historic procedure in addition to a theoretical venture, person who calls for mind's eye not less than braveness. She is a lucid consultant to the routine which are struggling with, right away, to construct a greater global, and an enormous voice if you desire to persist with that direction.
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Extra resources for A World to Build: New Paths toward Twenty-First Century Socialism
Stalinism is the ideology of a revolutionary elite which, within a particular historical context, degenerated into a bureaucracy. In understanding the central position of the Russian bureaucracy, first in developing and now in perpetuating, this ideology, we have a great deal to learn, from the analyses of Trotsky and even more from the flexible and undogmatic approach of Isaac Deutscher and others. Stalinism struck root within a particular social context, drawing nourishment from attitudes and ideas prevalent among the working-class and peasantry—exploited and culturally deprived classes; it was strengthened by Russian backwardness and by the hostility and active aggression of capitalist powers; out of these conditions there arose the bureaucracy which adapted the ideology to its own purposes and is interested in perpetuating it; and it is clear enough now to most people that the advance of world socialism is being blockaded by this bureaucracy, which controls the means by which it is attempting to prevent—not a new ideology—but a true consciousness from emerging.
It was obviously only shortsightedness which ever led socialists to conceive of the new society stepping, pure and enlightened, out of the fires of the old. Who should be surprised, when we recall the tormented history of the past fifty years, that the new society has sprung from the fire, its features blackened and distorted by pain and oppression? But the future of British socialism may be very much affected by the understanding of and feelings towards the new society of British socialists, since it has always been their faith that socialism was not only economically practicable but was also intensely desirable; that is, that socialist society would revolutionise human relationships, replacing respect for property by respect for man, and replacing the acquisitive society by the common weal.
I H A D I N T E N D E D in this article to attempt some definitions of Stalinism, to enter into some questions of theory which our British leadership refuses to discuss, and to consult with readers upon the best way to rid our own party of Stalinist theory and practice. But these points of theory have now found dramatic expression in the great square of Warsaw and amid the smoke of Budapest. It is difficult to speak at all in the teeth of a whirlwind. And if we have helped, in small degree, to sow that wind, do we have the right to speak?